Chapter 517: Surplus
"Large-scale mechanization is the direction we envision for future agricultural development. Current steam-powered farm machines are heavy and inefficient, but they clearly show the importance of mechanization."
As Kaide explained, a steam-powered tractor was demonstrating its plowing capabilities.
As early as the 1830s, various countries had begun exploring the use of steam vehicles to tow farm implements. East Africa was no exception, although it was now moving along a path quite different from others.
Even so, all steam tractors built thus far around the world resembled miniature locomotives. Even if they didn't get stuck in the fields, they still compressed the soil with their massive weight.
Britain led the field in steam tractor development. Their machines were relatively small by comparison, but prohibitively expensive—only large farms could afford them.
Mbeya's Third National Farm was just such a large-scale operation. In East Africa, anything with the word "national" in its name tended to be massive, and Mbeya was no exception.
Still, not all regions of East Africa were as wealthy as Mbeya, which was one of the four major cities and the country's heavy industry base. Naturally, interest in tractors here was high.
Ernst had even set up East Africa's Tractor Research Institute in Mbeya. The tractor currently on display at the farm had been imported as a reference model for future domestic designs.
Most of the institute's work was essentially imitation—borrowing design blueprints from the Hechingen Energy and Power Company.
As Kaide continued his explanation, the students nearby couldn't stop chattering about the machine.
"This thing is amazing! It's like a locomotive! My house is near the Central Railway, and this tractor looks just like a train engine. If trains can pull so much, this thing must be crazy powerful for farming."
"Those wheels are made entirely of steel! Look at the tracks it leaves in the ground—two deep ruts."
"How many oxen do you think this thing replaces?"
"That's not the point. The real benefit is that it's easier to manage—it's a machine. It can run for long periods and doesn't need food or sleep. Just keep feeding it coal."
Students at technical schools also studied physics, so they understood how machinery worked. But steam-powered tractors still made a massive impression—especially with their overwhelming noise, rattling gears, hissing pistons, and sputtering boilers. It looked and sounded like the whole thing could fall apart at any second.
Ernst wasn't particularly interested in this steampunk marvel, but the students were clearly thrilled to see it in action.
"I want to become a tractor driver someday. It must look so cool to drive one of these."
"Then study hard and join us at the national farm!" Kaide laughed.
After encouraging the students, Kaide continued: "Right now, operating a tractor in East Africa isn't easy. As far as I know, there are only twenty-three tractors in the entire country—and all of them were imported."
"Our industrial capacity is still weak, so we can't produce this kind of machinery. But most countries are in the same boat. That's the sad reality of being an agricultural nation."
Ernst didn't quite agree. He knew that Argentina, for example, was doing fairly well. But East Africa and Argentina had different paths—Argentina's immigration rate was low, with only about two million people despite having vast farmland. In contrast, Belgium would be considered a "major power" compared to Argentina based on population alone.
Kaide went on: "That's why you need to study hard—so that one day you can build East Africa's own tractors. Let's make these expensive, clunky beasts cheaper and more compact and help build East Africa's future."
"Aw, come on, Uncle Kaide—if we talk about studying, we're not friends anymore," joked one of the students.
You couldn't really blame the students. Technical schools weren't officially discriminated against, but in practice, they drew weaker students—those left behind by elite academic-track schools.
Mbeya's No. 1 Secondary School was academic. Even the lowest-ranked student admitted there had higher scores than many technical students at No. 2.
The gap between the two was reflected in college admission rates. Though technical school students were eligible for university, they made up only a tenth of those admitted.
To be fair, college wasn't the only route in East Africa. There was also a recommendation-based exam system for exceptional students. But at the end of the day, it all came down to scores—just like the competitions Ernst had seen back in his previous life.
Most students at No. 2 had been middle-tier in elementary school. With East Africa's expanding education system, very few excelled in middle school.
They weren't the bottom of the barrel—that honor belonged to No. 3 Secondary School, another technical school with even worse resources. Compared to elite institutions like No. 1, it was practically a trade school. In Ernst's previous life, high schools outnumbered vocational schools. In East Africa, it was the opposite—there were more technical schools than academic ones.
Even academic-track students had a hard time getting into university. East Africa had too few colleges to accommodate everyone. High school was now mandatory, but college was still a luxury.
Ernst wasn't worried. A high school education was more than enough for East Africans to succeed in the world. At this point in history, a high school diploma was already considered a prestigious qualification.
In fact, Ernst predicted that East Africa's surplus of high school graduates would soon spill over into Germany and Austria—much like how East Asian students in his past life flooded into Europe and the U.S.
As the saying goes: knowledge is power. Germany, now in the midst of its second industrial revolution, had a massive demand for skilled workers.
East African high schoolers applying to German factories would be highly competitive. Even if East Africa's education system lacked quality due to rapid expansion, high school still beat elementary school when it came to employment.
It all came down to expectations. A high school graduate could reasonably aim for a management role in a German factory.
East Africa's education system was out of sync with the rest of the world. Its universities couldn't match Western institutions, and its elementary schools lagged behind Germany and Austria. But in secondary education, East Africa had sheer numbers on its side.
This had created an oversupply of educated youth. Only a handful could advance to university. Many would end up doing the same work as their parents—or worse, not even qualify to screw bolts in a factory, and be forced back to farming. After all, East Africa was still primarily an agricultural nation.
The system also placed a heavy financial burden on the state. That was one reason Ernst wasn't in a hurry to deport the Black population—he needed them to help cover education costs.
The benefits, however, would come later. First, the national literacy rate would soar. In this era of global illiteracy, East African high schoolers would be elite talent—even by European standards.
Second, the nation's industry would eventually explode. As industrial development advanced, so too would the demand for education. Today, a primary school diploma might be enough. But someday, that wouldn't be true.
Ernst believed Germany's success stemmed from its universal education policy. The Soviet Union followed the same path. East Africa, he thought, was simply taking it one step further.
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