Chapter 291: The Focus of the World – Morocco
Of course, while the per capita arable land area only increased by 0.02 acres, the total arable land area grew by approximately 2.18 million acres. After all, the population had grown by over 900,000, and to maintain the same level of per capita arable land, a large amount of land had to be cultivated.
Thanks to the increase in cultivated land, Australasia's grain production also saw a significant increase in 1910, surpassing 9.6 million tons. Australasia's grain production was now just one step away from reaching 10 million tons. With the population expected to surpass 10 million next year, grain production should also break the 10 million ton mark.
However, throughout 1910, the total grain consumption across Australasia was less than 2.9 million tons, which meant that Australasia could export 6 million tons of grain every year—no small income.
Thanks to the further trade agreements with the United Kingdom, Britain had become the main destination for Australasia's grain exports. Australasia exported at least 2 million tons of grain to the UK every year, demonstrating the close relationship between Britain and Australasia at present.
This was the current development of the government. As for the development of the royal consortium, Arthur could only describe it as a giant.
After the Cabinet meeting, following a report from Kent, Arthur realized just how large the royal consortium had become for Australasia.
In fact, the royal consortium had already been enormous last year, but this year it had expanded even further.
Currently, the royal consortium had established over a hundred factories and businesses, with a controlling stake in over a thousand factories and enterprises.
The number of employees managed by the royal consortium had exceeded 500,000, spread across various states, sectors, and industries in Australasia.
In 1910, the royal consortium's net profit reached 54.31 million Australian dollars, even after deducting nearly 10 million Australian dollars in taxes paid to the government.
The net income of the royal consortium was just 10 million Australian dollars less than the total national revenue, demonstrating the sheer scale of the royal consortium in Australasia.
It wasn't an exaggeration to say that, if Arthur wished, the royal consortium's net income could easily surpass the total national revenue at any time.
However, the royal consortium only controlled some of the more important industries in Australasia, such as heavy industry, oil, chemicals, and military industries. It didn't involve too many civilian industries or sectors, as there had to be some opportunities left for the people of Australasia.
If there were a list of the top 500 global companies, Arthur believed that his royal consortium would certainly rank in the top ten.
A net profit of 54.31 million Australian dollars, equivalent to 27 million British pounds, was a drop in the bucket for companies in the current era, and this income could even surpass that of some small and medium-sized European countries.
In mid-January 1911, the Chilean diplomatic team finally arrived again in Australasia to inspect the Hope-class battleship designed by Australasia. This time, the Chilean diplomatic team included several naval generals and senior government officials, clearly very interested in the new, highly powerful battleship that Australasia had described.
To be honest, aside from the slight discrepancy in the tonnage that the Chileans had hoped for, the other aspects—including firepower, power, and armor protection—of the Hope-class battleship basically met or even exceeded their expectations.
In the end, Chile's stubborn insistence on tonnage was defeated by Defense Minister Raul's argument that the tonnage was not as important as the battleship's combat effectiveness.
This was indeed a valid point. Rather than blindly pursuing the tonnage and size of a warship, it was better to focus on the ship's speed, firepower, and defensive capabilities. No matter how big a battleship was, if it lacked combat effectiveness, it would become a live target in naval battles and might be sunk quickly.
After a week of discussions and consultations between the Foreign Ministry and the Chilean delegation, the final naval order was confirmed.
Chile agreed to pay a total of 5 million pounds, or 10 million Australian dollars, to purchase two Hope-class battleships, six Duke-class escorts, and two German submarines.
This order was expected to begin in mid-1911, with the two submarines to be delivered no later than mid-1913, the six escort ships by mid-1914, and the two Hope-class battleships by the end of 1915.
Overall, the timeline for the naval order was very generous, allowing the Royal Shipyard to complete the Russian orders while also working on the Chilean orders.
Of course, there was a downside to this: the Royal Shipyard would be fully occupied with these orders and would not have the capacity to build Australasia's own warships until at least 1914.
However, this was a minor issue. When the European nations were all preoccupied with war during World War I, Australasia would have plenty of time and resources to build its own strategic forces, so there was no rush at this moment.
The two Hope-class battleships were excitedly named "Admiral Latore" and "Admiral Kirkland" by the Chileans, perhaps a dream for a small country's navy to rise!
It was striking that, although the countries in South America were relatively small, they were quite willing to invest heavily in their military, especially their navies.
After the naval order was signed, Arthur gained some free time. However, at this point, Arthur was waiting for news from Europe.
According to reports from the Royal Intelligence Agency, the Moroccan Crisis was about to occur.
This wasn't just Arthur's prediction.
In fact, Morocco had been facing difficult times in recent years. Due to weather conditions, Morocco had suffered from a severe drought, causing a crisis in agriculture, crop failures, and immense suffering for farmers.
Additionally, the Sultan's government was short-sighted and plagued by corruption. Despite the looming disaster, there were no disaster relief efforts, and taxes were raised, which led to increasing discontent among the common people. Rebellions against tax collection were widespread.
Moreover, since the First Moroccan Crisis, France had taken control of Morocco's politics. French products flooded the Moroccan economy, bankrupting many local artisans and leading to dissatisfaction among the middle class.
With the middle class and lower class angry and the upper class and government deeply corrupt, the country was in chaos.
In January 1911, a large-scale uprising broke out in Morocco, with the people, dissatisfied with the Sultan and the government, raising banners calling for the overthrow of the government and besieging several cities.
The wave of uprisings swept across most of Morocco, causing unrest among the French government, who feared that if the insurgents overthrew the Sultan's government, they would then turn their attention to the French colonial forces.
In February 1911, the deteriorating situation in Morocco led the French to act. Using the pretext of protecting French nationals and restoring order to Morocco, they deployed troops to occupy Fez and several nearby cities.
Facing the French military, Morocco's small army had no means of resistance, and the insurgents, mostly made up of common people, were no match for the French forces.
As France took action, Spain also deployed troops to the northern part of Morocco, which effectively ended Morocco's practical independence.
France's actions in Morocco led to dissatisfaction from several European nations, particularly the German Empire.
France's intervention in Morocco directly violated the Algeciras Agreement signed five years earlier, following the First Moroccan Crisis.
Although before France took action, the French Ambassador in Germany, Cambon, had informed German Foreign Minister Kiderlin of France's decision to send troops to Morocco, Kiderlin had clearly opposed it, believing that France's actions would not only breach the Algeciras Agreement but also provoke a fiercer resistance from the Moroccan people and lead to discontent among the German public.
Germany's stance was firm. They hoped that France would delay its military occupation and instead negotiate with Germany over the matter.
However, the French government maintained its usual hardline approach and, without informing Germany, directly intervened in Morocco's affairs. This not only rendered the Algeciras Agreement null and void but also dealt a significant blow to Germany's position.
Germany, being the world's second-largest power at the time, had its dignity severely wounded by France's actions. This made the situation more tense, especially since Emperor Wilhelm II had a notoriously bad temper.
The question remained: would France make any concessions in the face of Germany's reaction?
(End of Chapter)
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