Why is it that I, the Prince Consort of the British Empire, continue to keep one foot in politics instead of acting merely as a ceremonial figure?
The answer is simple.
For the time being, the contest for territory within Europe itself has reached its expiration date.
With appetizing prey scattered everywhere across Africa, Asia, and South America, why should we exhaust ourselves fighting among ourselves?
The fact that the Napoleonic Wars had ended not long ago also played a part.
So had Europe agreed to relax and build a beautiful world of coexistence and shared prosperity?
Of course not.
Right now, the great powers of Europe can afford to say "this is mine, that is yours" and make concessions.
But what will happen once the global market becomes saturated?
Just like someone who will one day unify a certain country, a nation might arise saying,
"Why should Britain and France get to eat everything? I deserve a share too."
And then set Europe ablaze.
Of course, even before that day comes, there are still large wars waiting to happen.
Take the Crimean War, which would later be called the world war of the nineteenth century.
Even now, there were signs here and there that it might break out earlier than expected.
I had no desire to step into that cesspool and waste Britain's national strength.
But if Russia and France refused to behave, the day might come when we would have no choice but to intervene.
For now, we had allowed them to loiter around Primorye or Vietnam, hoping they would eat something and remain quiet.
But human greed has no end, and people never realize something hurts until they get punched.
In my view, a large-scale war like the Crimean War was bound to happen eventually.
Whether it followed a path similar to history or took an entirely unexpected course, it was a tragedy that would have to be endured at least once.
My thoughts ended as I stepped out after finishing a speech in Parliament.
"Your Royal Highness, that was a most impressive speech today."
"I'm relieved to see that Mr. Gladstone looks well."
It is not easy for a rolling stone to dislodge one already embedded, but in the short time since I last saw him, Gladstone had further expanded his influence within the party.
In a few more years, he might well become the undisputed leader of the Whig Party.
It seemed that capable individuals would always stand out, no matter how history flowed, as long as they were given the opportunity.
"I have noticed that both parties have been cooperating more often lately to pass legislation. It is a pleasant sight."
"The international situation has become unstable recently. The public feels reassured when the ruling and opposition parties show a united front."
"As expected of you."
"By the way, I feel somewhat apologetic that we must once again rely on Your Highness regarding the matter of Joseon. Public opinion strongly believes that Northeast Asia is a matter best entrusted to you…"
Naturally.
With the career I had built across Asia, and with everyone aware of my supposed blood connection there, how many people could accept leaving me buried in Canada?
Gladstone was especially cautious because the Whig Party had previously been responsible for pushing me—half by force—toward Canada.
In truth, I had practically arranged that outcome myself.
But from the public's perspective, Parliament had forced the Queen's husband away from his newlywed life and sent him to Canada.
That was why the unprecedented event of the Queen herself traveling to the colonies had occurred.
And there, another unexpected development had happened—the birth of an heir.
Still, I had proven my worth by expanding Britain's territory several times over.
No citizen dared criticize that result.
On the contrary, public opinion now praised the decision.
Of course Parliament sent the Prince Consort to Canada. Look at the results.
Now that the heir had been safely born, people had been encouraging me to rest comfortably in Canada before eventually returning.
But if they suddenly asked me to come back alone to resolve Asian affairs, how would that look?
In such circumstances, even if I scolded Parliament openly, they would have no choice but to bow their heads.
Of course, from my perspective this was the best possible outcome.
"So the Whig Party supports the direction I intend to take?"
"Of course. Our party has already agreed to respect Your Highness's views on matters concerning Asia as much as possible."
"That is reassuring. To be honest, as the Queen's husband I do not feel entirely comfortable interfering in political matters. I sometimes feel as though I must constantly watch Parliament's reaction."
"You are not directly intervening in domestic affairs, so no one will criticize Your Highness. On the contrary, you are undertaking difficult work for the benefit of the Empire despite having no obligation to do so. Which reminds me…"
Gladstone scratched his head slightly while glancing at me.
"Minister Guizot of France, who recently arrived, wishes to meet Your Highness to discuss the future situation in Asia."
"I am no longer part of the government."
"We told him that as well. However, he said he does not wish to negotiate policy, but merely hopes to hear the views of an expert on Asia. So we said we would ask Your Highness."
"If it is only a conversation, there is no reason to refuse. If things go well, we might learn what France is really thinking."
"Thank you. When the Prime Minister asked for our party's opinion, we were unsure how to respond. Your answer makes things much easier."
So that had been his intention from the beginning.
It was not difficult to guess why the Whig Party was being so friendly.
Until now I had mostly worked with the Conservative Party, so the public often perceived me as politically closer to them.
No matter how many times I insisted my achievements belonged to no party, people naturally credited the ruling Conservatives.
Public perception was a stubborn thing.
So the Whigs probably wanted to build a friendly relationship with me and share some of the credit for any successes in Asia.
I had even seen a few pro-Whig newspapers yesterday highlighting my old school connection with Gladstone.
Even if their intentions were obvious, opportunities like this should still be used.
"I will meet Minister Guizot and speak with him. In the meantime, the Whig Party should submit a resolution appointing me as chief mediator between Joseon and Russia."
"Was it not agreed that the Conservatives would propose it?"
"I will ask the Conservatives to support the Whig proposal. As you know, my image is already closely tied to the Conservative Party. If they propose it again, people might say the government and I arranged it together. Everyone knows that is not the case, but focusing only on the ruling party would not be healthy for political balance."
"You are absolutely right. We will submit the proposal at the next session."
If the Whigs supported me on this issue, they would gain benefits.
And I would appear as someone supported by both parties.
A perfect win-win.
Which made it difficult to refuse.
As for Guizot, he had searched thoroughly for any opportunity to gain influence when he visited last time.
And now he had come again.
It was not yet the right moment, but in the long run there was much that could be extracted from France.
Planting seeds now would not be a bad idea.
France might currently see the Asian market as its greatest opportunity.
But in truth, France could never obtain the most valuable parts of Asia.
Because I had already marked every strategically important region.
They would inevitably push toward Southeast Asia.
The best strategy was to appear generous and support them slightly.
I could not allow France to grow powerful enough to threaten Britain.
But if France failed to keep its balance, who would restrain Russia—or the future madman that would appear in Europe?
If we became entangled with them and wasted our strength, we might lose the hard-won dominance we had secured in North America to the United States.
France should therefore retain roughly the same level of power it had in the original timeline.
And perhaps receive a little mental training so it would not become too arrogant.
If it continued acting as Europe's number two power, kicking away the ladder whenever someone else tried to climb up, that would be ideal.
"The British Empire and France have already settled the grudges of the past and are working together toward the future, have we not? Vietnam? Of course we understand the sorrow France must feel after its missionaries were brutally murdered. Vietnam is neither our vassal nor our ally, so why should Britain interfere with French actions?"
After finishing my calculations, I showered François Guizot with sweet words and eased his suspicion.
Not only did I speak politely—I clearly signaled that Britain had no intention of interfering with whatever France did in Asia.
"It is reassuring to see Britain's generosity growing. If relations between our nations continue like this, there will be nothing more we could wish for."
I agreed completely.
So please—fight your wars alone this time.
Do not drag us into them.
What inevitably follows the development of capitalism?
Many things, of course.
But one cannot overlook the advancement of finance.
Ever since humanity began using money, individuals and organizations performing functions similar to banks had always existed.
But by the mid-nineteenth century, banking had become far more complex.
Until now, the dominant financial powers were those specializing in trade.
Since national economies were not yet deeply interconnected, many accumulated wealth by involving themselves heavily in domestic trade.
In Britain, the most representative example was the Baring family.
Having built enormous wealth through influence over Britain's trade and its trading partners, the Barings stood unquestionably at the center of British finance.
Their wealth was so vast that people sometimes described the head of the Baring family as the ruler of a kingdom made of gold.
Of course, the Barings did not limit themselves to British affairs alone.
They had been involved in the Louisiana Purchase, and through their close ties with the East India Company, they earned enormous profits from international trade.
Even with the emergence of many new wealthy families, the richest family in Britain remained the Barings.
A young man who had inherited his father's business network across Britain a few years earlier desperately wished to change that perception.
His family owned banks across Europe and moved unimaginable sums of money every day.
They were true financial giants.
But in Britain they were repeatedly held back by one limitation.
They were Jews.
His family held the title of Baron in the Austrian Empire, yet under British law he could not use that title.
In Britain he was little different from a commoner.
Even if he won an election, he could not take a seat in Parliament unless he abandoned his faith.
Members of the British Parliament were required to swear an oath as Christians.
For a nation aspiring to become a global empire, it was an outdated system.
But what could he do?
That was British law.
And Jews had always been convenient targets of ridicule across Europe.
Queen Victoria had planned to allow the use of foreign noble titles.
But before the decree could be issued, she had departed for Canada.
The matter was postponed indefinitely.
Just as he lamented his terrible luck, he received an unbelievable summons.
"I–It is an honor to meet you, Your Royal Highness!"
"Do not be so nervous. Come sit down. Was the journey comfortable?"
"Y–Yes!"
Despite being of Irish mixed heritage, he had married the most noble woman in Britain.
Through remarkable diplomacy, he had expanded the British Empire's territory endlessly and earned the enthusiastic support of the people.
Perhaps he should not be called a politician, since he was the Queen's husband.
But he was undeniably one of the most influential figures in Britain.
The young banker did not know why he had been summoned.
But he sensed no hostility in the man's voice or eyes.
From years of dealing with clients, he recognized that expression.
It was closer to interest—or even goodwill.
Perhaps this was the opportunity of a lifetime granted by God.
After all, the Prince Consort was known to be close to Benjamin Disraeli, so he clearly held no prejudice against Jews.
The man bowed deeply with the utmost respect.
"Lionel Nathan de Rothschild. I came at once upon receiving Your Highness's summons."
No matter what happened—
He would ensure that today, he caught the eye of the most powerful man in Britain.