The protracted war between North and South, which had dragged on for years, left a significant impact across the world as it continued.
With not only France but also Prussia, Europe's great powers, directly participating, it was inevitable that the European economy would be shaken. At the same time, the United States, a major exporter of food and cotton, saw both sectors disrupted, causing immediate distress in several countries.
Egypt, which had quickly expanded cotton production in response, reaped enormous profits from the sudden shortage and quietly hoped the war would never end.
Even so, the war ended abruptly with the intervention of the British Empire, and people expected that at last, after such a long and exhausting conflict, a peaceful era might finally begin.
However, large-scale wars fought over long periods often exert even greater influence after they end.
This tendency was especially evident in Asia, which lay far from Europe and the American continent and had suffered no direct damage from the war.
Although the Qing had suppressed the Taiping Rebellion, the toll on its national strength had been so severe that it had yet to recover. In truth, it had long since lost effective control.
With the realization spreading that only modernization could ensure survival, Asian nations began pursuing reform.
Of course, wanting to modernize did not make it easy.
Asia had already become a vast reservoir of opportunity for European powers, and all of them were eager to exploit it.
India, Indochina, the Philippines, and Malaysia were already under European dominance, and among them, only Korea and Japan could be considered relatively better off.
In absolute terms, Japan was far better prepared for modernization than Korea. However, it faced instability in domestic politics. Although the civil war from several years ago had ended, unrest continued to erupt in various regions, delaying efforts to suppress it.
Korea, on the other hand, was in a far worse initial condition, but it was steadily building its foundation. The faction of Kim Jwa-geun, which had been in Britain, began returning in large numbers, giving momentum to reform.
Which of the two would advance first remained uncertain, but as things stood, both nations became increasingly conscious of each other.
The distance between them was close enough to be considered neighboring countries, both stood under the shadow of the British Empire, and both even referred to figures of the Empire as their own. It would have been stranger if they did not pay attention to one another.
Still, the leadership of both nations was politically capable and made good use of this rivalry.
"Japan is advancing like that. What will happen if we fall behind? Do you want to be called uncivilized barbarians by them?"
"Even Joseon, with all its rigidity, is striving for modernization. Those who cause division in times like this, what are their intentions?"
Kim Jwa-geun, already actively working to dismantle Joseon's outdated system, deliberately encouraged this rivalry.
Reform required momentum. Anyone opposing it could simply be labeled as serving Japanese interests, and they would have no choice but to fall in line.
According to his plan, modernization could not happen overnight. It would take decades, with the goal of entering its true phase only in the late 19th century.
Fundamentally reform the tax system to secure national wealth for modernization.
Establish firm control over local regions and clarify administrative duties to ensure professionalism.
Abolish outdated customs, laws, and practices, and introduce institutions suited to a modern state.
Among these, Kim Jwa-geun had focused most heavily on the first and second points over the past several years.
Simply changing outward appearances would not alter the underlying structure. If that were enough, no reform would ever fail.
Even so, with the full support of the new king and the backing of the British Empire, the first and second stages were nearly complete.
With resource development in the northern regions underway, the time had finally come to push forward full reform.
Yi Ha-eung, the new king who had ascended the throne as the adopted son of the former ruler, frowned as he reviewed the reform proposals.
"You intend to push all of this forward now? Is that truly possible?"
"Yes, it is."
"Land surveys and currency reform have been ongoing, and the reconstruction of Hanseong should not face much opposition. But reorganizing nearly every government institution, including the State Council, will provoke severe resistance."
"In times of great reform, hesitation is unacceptable. Once the blade is drawn, it must cut."
The scholars who had once insisted on Neo-Confucian orthodoxy had already fallen alongside the Andong Kim clan. Those who opposed reform were silenced by being labeled as collaborators with Japan. Under such conditions, the reforms might pass more smoothly than expected.
"Still, military reform seems to be progressing slowly. Is there a reason?"
"The military is like muscle in a body. Without bones and flesh, muscle cannot exist. First, we must establish a proper structure."
In other words, Joseon was not yet even a complete body.
Yi Ha-eung gave a faint smile, but Kim Jwa-geun remained firm. Many who had returned from Britain shared the same view. This country could not be repaired piece by piece. It had to be dismantled and rebuilt entirely.
As a king, it was not a comforting thought. Yet the news coming from Europe made it difficult to deny.
"Your Majesty, you are aware that the great war across the Pacific has recently ended."
"Of course. France and Prussia's involvement made it widely discussed."
"Even with France and Prussia combined, they failed to completely suppress the Northern United States. The war ended quickly only after the British Empire joined. That is not the important part. This war carries two meanings."
"Two?"
"First, that great powers are not born from the heavens. The United States was once considered backward compared to Europe, yet it has now grown strong enough to challenge France and Prussia. There is no reason Joseon cannot do the same."
It was not easy, but it was a hopeful thought.
"And the second?"
"That the brief peace Asia has enjoyed is about to end."
The great powers, whose attention had been fixed on the American continent, would soon turn back to Asia. When that happened, a storm would follow.
Before that moment arrived, Joseon had to grow stronger.
Yi Ha-eung understood this well, yet when he looked at Kim Jwa-geun, he sometimes felt a chill.
The man intended to destroy everything and rebuild from nothing.
Could the royal family truly be excluded from what he considered "outdated"?
At first, he had been certain it would be. Recently, however, doubt had begun to grow.
What if Kim Jwa-geun intended to reduce the monarchy to a mere symbol and seize power himself?
Watching his retreating figure, the king's eyes filled with quiet suspicion.
"And thus, by the declaration of His Imperial Highness, the Crown Prince of Edo, descendant of the great Tokugawa lineage, the nations of Europe and America have all agreed to end the war."
"As expected, the power of the British Empire is immense. And the heir to such a great empire carries the blood of Tokugawa. Is this not a great blessing for our nation?"
"You speak wisely, Chairman."
The newly reformed political structure of the Japanese Empire was complex in appearance but straightforward in essence.
The daimyo and shogun titles had been abolished, replaced by a cabinet and parliament, giving the outward appearance of a Western system. However, the head of the Tokugawa family held the position of Speaker of the Upper House for life, and the authority of that chamber was exceptionally strong.
In practice, although the title of shogun had disappeared, power had not.
Formally, the hierarchy placed the Emperor first, followed by the Speaker of the Upper House. This even placed him above the Prime Minister.
Despite this, those who understood the system knew the truth.
The Tokugawa head was little more than a figurehead, while real power lay with Prime Minister Okubo Toshimichi.
After briefing domestic and international affairs, Okubo received approval for future plans and left the room.
"…Dealing with fools is exhausting."
Though his rise, supported by Killian, had been smooth, governing a nation was no simple task. His original plan had been for Japan to move past its founding phase and begin strengthening its internal structure, but too many obstacles slowed progress.
"Okubo, how did your meeting go?"
"…Saigo, what brings you here without notice?"
Facing his old friend, Okubo could not fully welcome him.
"You still have not answered my proposal."
"That again? I have already said it. Choshu and Satsuma must remain distant from military power for now."
"You know there are those dissatisfied with that decision."
"Are you among them? Then take my advice and keep your distance. During early modernization, the military must never be given excessive authority."
One of the main reasons Okubo had risen so quickly was his strict adherence to limiting military influence, as required by Killian. The latter, for reasons unknown, distrusted military figures from Choshu and Satsuma.
"Okubo, think carefully. If this continues, the country could split again."
"That will not happen. If they wish to rebel, let them. It would only remove obstacles."
Saigo sighed.
"Then consider this instead. Many are discussing it recently."
"…Do not tell me you mean Seongcheong-ron?"
A ridiculous variation of earlier expansionist ideas, now gaining serious traction.
"Internal dissatisfaction is growing. If it can be redirected outward, is that not beneficial?"
"By attacking Qing? Have you lost your mind?"
"Qing is already weakened after the Taiping Rebellion. Its southern regions are vulnerable. If we strike, we could seize territory quickly."
"And then what? How do we hold it?"
Saigo smiled.
"I have a plan. There are only two nations in Asia capable of successful modernization. Ours and Joseon."
"…Go on."
"Bring Joseon to our side. Let them take Manchuria while we take the south."
"…Are you serious?"
"Joseon already desires Manchuria. Give them the chance, and they will join."
Silence followed.
"…You want me to propose this?"
"At least try. It could resolve all internal discontent."
Okubo said nothing. He simply poured himself a drink.
He did not voice it aloud,
but even briefly considering such madness filled him with shame.
***
January 1864.
The Confederacy, now formally entering the international diplomatic stage under the name of the Confederate States of America, caused a major incident from the very beginning.
"The government of Colombia must respond to Panama's demands. Historically and geographically, Panama deserves autonomy."
It was an abrupt and unexpected move.
No one knew what had prompted the South to act this way, but the local elites in Panama were greatly encouraged by the statement.
"Colombia must awaken!"
"We are not a colony of Colombia!"
Panamanian separatists reached out to the Confederacy, and the South made use of their aspirations.
"If we rise up, will the Confederacy support us?"
"We cannot promise, but if circumstances allow, we will certainly consider it."
Though vague, it was enough to give hope. If there had been no intention at all, such a statement would never have been made.
Encouraged, the separatists took to the streets and denounced Colombia.
Colombia responded immediately by deploying troops to suppress them.
"Awaken? Have you all gone mad?"
"You think you can just declare independence because the South did?"
The uprising was crushed without hesitation.
Those who had trusted the Confederacy were arrested en masse, their movement dismantled before it could take root.
Despite their desperate cries that the Confederacy would not tolerate such brutality, the South did nothing.
The war had only just ended. There was no reason for them to provoke conflict with Colombia so soon.
Even after a month passed, no official response came. Colombia took the opportunity to eliminate the separatist movement entirely.
It seemed the matter would end there.
Then suddenly,
Prussia and France intervened.
"We strongly condemn Colombia's brutal suppression."
Out of nowhere, they presented themselves as defenders of human rights and began pressuring Colombia. At the same time, troops that had been withdrawing from the South were redirected toward Panama.
Colombia quickly understood their intentions.
"We cannot stand by and watch further suffering."
"We helped the South gain independence. We cannot ignore Panama. Colombia must take responsibility."
With France and Prussia applying pressure, and the Confederacy offering support afterward, Colombia had no way to resist.
Under the pretext of supporting Panama's independence, they effectively seized the territory.
The problem was that neither France nor Prussia had any intention of granting true independence.
"Panama is not yet capable of governing itself. Until it is ready, we will administer it jointly."
A temporary arrangement in name, but everyone understood it would be anything but temporary.
Panama, positioned between the Atlantic and Pacific and connecting North and South America, held immense strategic value.
Colombia could not object.
Panama itself could not object.
Its separatist movement had already been crushed.
As part of guaranteeing the arrangement, the British Empire stepped in and took control of the central region.
In the end, Panama was divided into a strange structure. The west fell under Prussia, the east under France, and the center under Britain.
Having secured central Panama with minimal effort, the British Empire immediately began planning its next move.
Anyone capable of reading a map understood the significance of the territory.
A canal of roughly fifty miles would connect the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans.
For both the United States and Canada, whose major ports lay on the Atlantic, such a canal was of immense importance.
Some predicted it would rival the Suez Canal. Others believed it might surpass it, depending on Canada's growth.
Either way, the tolls alone would more than repay construction costs.
For a global empire like Britain, controlling such a route meant controlling the flow of world trade.
Naturally, Parliament was eager.
"We must pass a special act immediately and select contractors."
No one disagreed.
But one question changed the atmosphere.
"Will this canal, unlike Suez, belong to the government?"
Silence fell.
Prime Minister Charles Wellesley spoke calmly.
"The plan was initiated by His Highness. Without his design, Panama would not have been secured so easily."
That was true.
But giving both Suez and Panama to the royal family felt excessive.
No one said it outright, but the concern was clear.
Britain was a constitutional monarchy. Parliament must remain the dominant authority.
John Russell spoke first.
"This must be under government control. Whether nationalized or managed by a state company, it cannot belong solely to the royal family."
Others quickly agreed.
"Suez is already under royal control. Panama should balance that."
Even those hesitant began to nod.
Wellesley accepted the conclusion.
"Then we proceed accordingly. But we should inform the royal family beforehand."
The decision was unanimous.
"…So they want me to prepare everything and then step aside?"
I could not help but laugh.
The table had been set, and now I was told to enjoy only the dessert.
Edward, hearing the report, was visibly angered.
"Father, this is too much. You secured Panama, yet they treat you like this?"
"The Prime Minister serves his party. He may believe giving Panama as well would be excessive."
"Even so, offering only a small share…"
"Are you upset?"
Edward nodded.
So was I.
Not because I did not understand their reasoning.
Parliament feared the royal family becoming too powerful. That was natural in a constitutional monarchy.
But understanding did not make it pleasant.
Still, I smiled.
"We will respect Parliament's decision. I will publicly support it."
"…Father?"
"I will support it wholeheartedly."
Edward looked at me in confusion.
I had no intention of opposing them.
If I had rushed to build the canal myself, it might have drawn criticism. Controlling both Suez and Panama would have seemed excessive.
But now,
things would proceed differently.
"Edward, offer your support as well."
"…If you say so."
I leaned closer and spoke quietly.
"That project will fail."
His eyes widened.
Panama was one of the worst malaria zones in the world.
In this era, people did not even know malaria was transmitted by mosquitoes.
If I had led the project, I would have addressed that immediately.
But if they wished to exclude me, there was no reason to share that knowledge.
The government-led project would collapse.
And when it did,
I would take over.
Then the canal would belong entirely to the royal family.
Edward muttered softly.
"Fifty miles… about eighty kilometers."
Hearing that, a sudden thought crossed my mind.
If the British Empire became even stronger than in history,
would the world adopt imperial units?
A world measuring everything in yards and pounds.
A truly horrifying possibility.
Before committing such a sin,
perhaps I should do something about that as well.
***
The passage of the Panama Canal Special Act revealed Parliament's true intentions quite openly.
From selecting construction teams to securing land and even choosing laborers, everything was structured so that the British government would take full control, leaving no room for royal involvement.
Even within the Conservative Party, which was close to the royal family, and the Liberal Party, voices emerged questioning whether the monarchy was being excluded too much.
One such figure was William Ewart Gladstone.
He understood better than most how much influence Killian could exert if provoked.
"Mr. Russell, even so, should we not at least show proper respect to the royal family?"
"We have already included a clause allowing royal recommendation in the appointment of supervisors. That should be sufficient. Has this not already been agreed upon?"
"That may be so, but…"
"The Prime Minister himself said His Highness showed no particular reaction and even intends to give a speech supporting the bill. There is no need to worry."
Was that truly the case?
Gladstone was among the few who knew what Killian had been doing behind the scenes during the war. Wellesley likely knew as well, which explained his uneasy reaction when the proposal to place the canal entirely under government control was raised.
"I still feel uneasy. Is there any reason for Parliament to create tension with the royal family at this moment?"
"This is not tension. It is Parliament exercising its rightful authority. The very idea that this is tension proves the monarchy has already exceeded its proper influence."
In principle, Russell was correct, and Gladstone did not press further.
Yet history offered little reassurance. Had Parliament ever succeeded in restraining Killian?
Those who had tried to tame him in the past had only been swept aside themselves. Senior nobles, prime ministers, opposition leaders, none had been exceptions.
Still, Gladstone chose to observe quietly. He had nothing to lose personally.
Contrary to expectations, Killian responded calmly in Parliament, openly supporting the bill.
"The construction of a canal in this region by the British government will be a great leap forward in expanding our Empire's influence. The royal family will offer full support to ensure there are no issues leading up to construction."
The members of Parliament, aware of rumors that Killian wished to claim the canal for the royal family, were instead caught off guard by his composed reaction.
"Your Highness, are there any aspects you would like revised?"
"I believe it is best that I say nothing. Any comment from me could create unnecessary controversy. This is a project led by Parliament and the government, and it would not be appropriate for the royal family to interfere."
It was a clear declaration that he would not be involved.
Beside him, John Russell smiled with satisfaction, as if to say he had been right.
"His Highness himself has said so. The royal family is satisfied with its current authority."
"Indeed…"
The projected length of the canal was roughly half that of Suez. Despite differences in terrain, most experts believed construction would not be particularly difficult.
Perhaps Killian had decided that strengthening the Empire mattered more than direct royal ownership.
After all, the royal family had already accumulated immense wealth. Compared to the previous reign, its position had grown to an unprecedented level, even to the point of lending money to the state rather than receiving it.
Perhaps Gladstone had misjudged him as overly greedy.
Yet recalling how he had profited from Spain, the South, and the North alike, that conclusion felt uncertain.
In any case, the bill passed unanimously, with full royal support.
Killian left Parliament to thunderous applause.
Britain had secured control over both the Atlantic and Pacific.
Yet Gladstone, who knew Killian well, remained cautious.
If anything seemed amiss, he intended to change his stance immediately.
London.
The Spanish embassy.
What had once been filled with celebration now resembled a house of mourning.
"We have received instructions from Madrid to request an extension on payment deadlines."
"Why are they asking the embassy to handle this?"
"They are trying through official channels as well, but…"
Ambassador Córdoba clenched his teeth as he reviewed the documents.
Spain could not pay.
Weapons and warships had been purchased in installments, but now even those payments were impossible.
"They already received payment from the South. Where did all that money go?"
"Expenses exceeded expectations."
It was obvious.
Spain had overextended itself.
"Who decided on such massive troop deployments?"
"After France and then Prussia entered the war, the government became anxious."
"And now we are paying the price."
If the war had continued longer, the losses might have been recovered.
Instead, Britain's intervention had ended it abruptly.
Spain was left with both military losses and massive outstanding contracts.
"Has His Highness arrived yet?"
"Thirty minutes remain."
The wait felt endless.
Finally, precisely on time, Killian entered.
"It is good to see you, Ambassador. You appear well."
"Your Highness, thank you for coming. I should have gone to Buckingham myself."
"I was nearby for another engagement. Please, do sit."
Córdoba personally prepared coffee, even adding ice as he had learned of Killian's preference.
"Your favorite."
"Thank you."
There were even rumors that his habit of drinking iced coffee was a deliberate tactic, meant to subtly disrupt his counterpart's composure.
After brief pleasantries, Killian spoke.
"You requested this meeting urgently. What is it you need?"
Córdoba hesitated before answering.
"The payments for the warships and weapons… the deadline is approaching. Our government asks whether it might be possible to extend it."
"So there are issues with cash flow. But why bring this to me?"
"The weapons are supplied through Canada. You hold considerable authority there."
"It is a contract involving many private companies. Delaying it unilaterally would be difficult. Still, this situation is unexpected. You should have been able to pay."
"Our projections… did not align with reality."
Killian studied him silently, then sighed.
"You have assisted me before. I cannot ignore your situation entirely. Private contracts are beyond my control, but government payments may be negotiable. If you wish, I can speak with the Prime Minister."
"Truly? I will not forget this kindness."
"Of course, it cannot be done without compensation. Would you be willing to transfer some of the concessions promised by the South?"
There was no alternative.
Without money, something else had to be given.
"That may be possible, but excessive terms would be difficult."
"I will ensure it is reasonable. Something of little use to you, but valuable to us."
"Thank you. I leave it in your hands."
Córdoba bowed deeply as Killian finished his coffee and rose.
Relief washed over him.
At least the immediate crisis had been resolved.
He did not see the expression on Killian's face as he left.