As the 1860s began, the effects of the Industrial Revolution spread across Europe, and workers' awareness grew alongside it.
Even so, workers remained fragmented, lacking organization. No matter how unfair their treatment, they had no real means to respond.
Strikes were out of the question, and even simple negotiations with employers were nearly impossible.
If one refused to work, there were always others ready to take their place.
People were everywhere, and those who could not work would starve.
Under such conditions, collective resistance was little more than a fantasy.
Then, in 1863, a large uprising broke out in Poland, briefly awakening a sense of solidarity among socialists.
However, with Europe's attention focused on the American Civil War, the uprising failed to gain momentum and was brutally suppressed.
At that point, the lesson became unavoidable.
Small, scattered groups could not change the world.
What was needed was unity.
A single international organization capable of representing socialist voices.
And so, they acted.
From followers of Proudhon to Owenites and even Blanquists, various socialist factions began to gather.
Thus emerged a historic organization.
The International Workingmen's Association.
The International.
Originally planned to convene in London, the meeting was moved to Paris, as Britain was considered too stable to produce meaningful upheaval.
Yet with so many factions involved, unity did not come easily.
Too many voices led to division.
A single dominant force was needed.
And two figures rose to prominence.
Friedrich Engels and Auguste Blanqui.
Engels presented a systematic theory, Engelsism, based on Marx's earlier ideas, silencing many rivals.
Other socialists, especially those influenced by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, disagreed, but lacked the theoretical structure to compete.
"Proudhon's ideas are admirable, but he places too much faith in goodwill. If persuasion worked, we would not be in this situation."
"But if your revolution leads to a dictatorship of the proletariat, how is that different from the current system?"
"Workers cannot individually own the means of production. Such a dictatorship cannot become permanent. This has already been explained in my work."
Those who felt exploited were naturally drawn to more radical ideas.
As a result, Proudhon's influence quickly declined.
Next to challenge Engels was Mikhail Bakunin, a leading figure of collectivist anarchism.
"The passion for destruction is a creative passion!"
"We must reject all authority and stand against it!"
"The state must ultimately be abolished!"
His call for revolution gained widespread support.
Soon, the International became dominated by Engels and Bakunin, and ideological clashes grew frequent.
Yet Engels had changed.
"Comrades, we stand at a turning point that will shape the next century. Our direction will determine whether workers' rights are secured or plunged into darkness. This is not about proving who is right, but about deciding the future of millions."
"So you still claim your theory is correct?"
"We all believe in our ideas. That is why we are here."
"But what matters is whether our beliefs are accepted as a cause."
Both sides agreed on revolution.
But Engels emphasized something more.
"Destruction must serve creation. We must build a new system, not merely tear down the old."
His argument resonated widely.
Workers supported the promise of change.
Intellectuals valued the structured theory.
Engels' influence grew stronger.
"We declare our intent to achieve reform and revolution for the true liberation of workers. First, we must demand our rights."
"What if we simply overthrow everything now?"
"That is impossible. There is an order to things."
Gradual demands would expose the refusal of the ruling class.
And that refusal would justify revolution.
"The eight-hour workday. Weekly rest. Universal suffrage."
"Is that even possible?"
"No. That is why we demand it."
The International's first actions shocked society.
At the same time, in London.
Inside Buckingham Palace.
The atmosphere was tense as reports from Paris filled the table.
"The leadership of the International is consolidating around Engels."
"Is he not someone Your Highness once met?"
"Yes. I saw potential in him then. I considered correcting him, but failed."
Even figures like Charles Wellesley, Benjamin Disraeli, and William Ewart Gladstone reacted negatively.
I had already placed agents among them.
Their actions were known almost in real time.
"At least Bakunin's ideas did not dominate."
"True. That would have been even more troublesome."
I reviewed the latest reports.
"They are clever. They begin with reasonable demands, then escalate when rejected."
"Of course. No one would accept such demands."
An eight-hour workday.
Guaranteed rest.
To those present, it seemed absurd.
"Who would run a business under such conditions?"
"…."
I chose not to respond.
In this era, such ideas seemed impossible.
Even politicians agreed.
"Still, perhaps we should allow time for church."
"Yes, that would be appropriate."
This was the most labor-friendly nation in the world.
And even here, such discussions took place.
Perhaps people only changed after suffering consequences.
My gaze shifted to a newspaper.
< Confederacy passes new law to prevent slave escapes. Human rights or property rights? >
***
After the war ended, the initial situations of the North and the South diverged completely.
Most politicians had expected the North to suffer a collapse.
Not the nation itself, but its government. Having effectively lost the war, how could the administration remain intact?
Many believed that in the next election, Abraham Lincoln would fall from power and a new leader would emerge.
It was not that people were betting on a Democratic victory.
Rather, the prevailing view was that Lincoln would not even attempt reelection.
A president held responsible for defeat seeking another term seemed unthinkable.
Especially in the United States, where no president had been reelected for decades.
The last had been Andrew Jackson, more than thirty years earlier.
In such a political climate, reelection was considered nearly impossible.
Yet Lincoln defied all expectations and ran again.
Not out of ambition or desire for wealth.
If anything, he wished to retire and live quietly.
But he chose to run for one reason.
The country.
After the war, the political landscape in the North was in chaos.
Radicals within the Republican Party and members of the Democratic Party were more interested in exploiting the situation than repairing the nation.
If this continued, the country itself could collapse.
Lincoln resolved to dedicate his remaining four years to reconstruction.
"Citizens, the Union stands at the edge of crisis. To overcome it, we need not someone new, but someone proven."
The response was immediate.
"You are the one who led us here!"
"A defeated leader asking for votes again?"
"Resign and disappear!"
Every campaign event was filled with insults.
Lincoln expected it.
The real problem was public opinion.
If it remained unchanged, victory was impossible.
There was only one solution.
Shift the blame.
Lincoln, as a wartime president, possessed vast information.
But he could not act directly.
Instead, his political partner, Andrew Johnson, took the stage.
"Citizens, you misunderstand. The true reason for our defeat lies elsewhere. There were traitors among us."
"What nonsense!"
"We withheld this during the war to avoid division. But now the truth must be revealed."
A lie works best when mixed with truth.
"In the early war, we held overwhelming superiority. Yet we could not defeat the South. Why? Because there were those who leaked information to the enemy."
"Even worse, they pretended to serve the Union while betraying it. One such man is John C. Breckinridge, who fled to the South."
That part was true.
Now came the embellishment.
"He was a Democrat. Many who sided with the South were Democrats. If they take power, traitors will return and exploit us further."
Lincoln was uneasy with such tactics, but Johnson was resolute.
To win, defeat could not be their fault.
Unexpectedly, the message resonated.
"We did not lose. We fought bravely."
"We faced not just the South, but France, Prussia, and Spain."
"But we were undermined from within."
The narrative shifted.
From defeat,
to betrayal.
"Even the strongest lion cannot survive with parasites inside it. We lost not to the enemy, but to traitors."
"…."
"Those traitors still remain. If Lincoln is reelected, we will root them out."
The crowd grew silent, listening.
Democrats protested fiercely.
"These are baseless accusations!"
"Take responsibility and withdraw!"
But doubt, once planted, could not be erased.
People did not need to fully believe it.
They needed a reason.
A justification for defeat.
The strategy worked beyond expectations.
Even Johnson had not anticipated such success.
In the end, the election produced a shocking result.
"Victory. With 200 out of 233 electoral votes, President Lincoln has been reelected."
Cheers erupted.
"Purge the traitors!"
A reelected president, after more than thirty years.
Then came the consequences.
Fear.
Suspicion.
Accusations.
The North descended into a frenzy of purges.
The South was not quiet either.
At first, independence brought celebration.
President Jefferson Davis was hailed as a hero.
"Jefferson! Jefferson!"
"This is our nation now!"
But reality followed quickly.
The South had paid heavily for European support.
Debt returned.
Cotton had to be sold at reduced prices under agreements with Britain.
France and Prussia demanded concessions.
Finances collapsed.
Within months, celebration turned to anger.
"Was this worth independence?"
"We are starving!"
"Slavery means nothing if we cannot survive!"
The economy would eventually stabilize, perhaps within a year.
But people living in hardship would not wait.
They needed someone to blame.
The government refused that role.
Fortunately, there was an easy target.
Millions of them.
"It is the fault of the blacks!"
"They are not working properly!"
"They are conspiring with the North!"
Contradictions did not matter.
People sought an outlet for their anger.
And it fell upon black slaves.
"Chain them so they cannot escape!"
"Tighten the slave laws!"
Violence intensified.
Oppression deepened.
America, instead of moving forward,
began to regress.
With the election concluded and the International established, events unfolded rapidly.
The latter had been expected.
Lincoln's reelection had not.
The slogans spreading across America felt strangely familiar.
Traitors.
Conspiracies.
Enemies within.
It seemed that no matter the era, human behavior remained the same.
I sipped my coffee and reviewed the latest reports.
The South was suppressing unrest by targeting slaves.
The North was consumed by paranoia, hunting traitors.
Neither future looked promising.
Perhaps it was time to test something.
Using the South.
The North was too risky.
If it became a true socialist stronghold, the consequences would be uncontrollable.
But the South was different.
Its future was limited.
If it collapsed under a communist revolution, the impact would be contained.
In fact, it might serve as a warning to others.
Europe would see it and adjust.
Reform where necessary.
Suppress where needed.
A dual strategy.
And perhaps,
even the South could justify its collapse.
Blaming revolution instead of its own failures.
A convenient excuse.
Yes.
This seemed appropriate.
Now the question was how to send Engels to America.
"Your Highness, a letter has arrived from François Guizot."
Perfect timing.
France, facing the rise of socialist movements in its own territory, would be searching for solutions.
And as an ally,
I would gladly provide one.
Of course,
without expecting anything in return.
***
The establishment of the International Workingmen's Association naturally drew the attention of Europe's rulers.
France, in particular, found itself in an alarming situation, with what could only be described as a political "hellgate" opening in its own capital.
Should they respond, or ignore it?
Endless meetings were held, yet no clear conclusion emerged.
Even those who favored intervention could not agree on a single approach.
"Crush them all."
"Throw every one of those red-flag radicals into prison."
"That will only provoke riots. We need a more intelligent method. Perhaps we should pretend to accept some demands and encourage internal division."
Each argument had its logic.
Others, however, urged caution.
"If the government reacts directly, it will only elevate their status. They are nothing more than delusional agitators. If we overreact, we fall into their trap."
"So responding would legitimize them?"
"Exactly. They would claim martyrdom."
Ignoring them entirely also had its appeal.
Yet it was an optimistic assumption.
Prime Minister François Guizot, who had held power for nearly twenty years, felt that this might be his final challenge.
His popularity had declined after the recent war.
Though he had maintained power through colonial achievements, exhaustion weighed heavily on him.
In truth, surviving two decades in French politics was already extraordinary.
Even so, the situation in Paris was worsening.
"Why here? Why Paris of all places?"
Why not London or Berlin?
Was this an attempt to recreate the Revolution?
If so, suppression might be necessary.
But if that triggered greater unrest?
He waited anxiously for a reply.
From London.
From the one man who always had an answer.
"Prime Minister, a letter has arrived from London."
Guizot opened it immediately.
His expression brightened.
A solution had been offered.
And he did not hesitate.
Despite the risk of criticism, he prepared to travel to London.
Killian had never disappointed him before.
There is a concept often seen in fiction.
Mind control.
A convenient way to turn allies into enemies.
Surprisingly, reality has something similar.
Communist ideology.
For those already dissatisfied, its influence was powerful.
And Paris was filled with such people.
Guizot, visibly worn, arrived in London.
"Prime Minister, it is good to see you."
"I wish I could say the same of my circumstances."
"Have you reached a decision?"
"Either ignore them or suppress them. Neither is viable."
"What about accepting some demands?"
"That would cost me my position."
Reasonable.
Even in Britain, reforms had been framed carefully to avoid backlash.
"Then you need a third option."
"A third option?"
"Redirect the problem elsewhere."
"…Elsewhere?"
"If something is too dangerous to handle, you send it away."
Guizot frowned.
I continued.
"Communists hate capitalists, aristocrats, and slavery."
"…Slavery?"
"There is still a place where it exists."
Understanding dawned.
"Across the Atlantic."
"Yes."
If the International's attention shifted there, France would be spared.
Communists and slaveholders.
An inevitable clash.
Guizot's expression changed completely.
"Brilliant. But how do we send them there?"
"That is my concern."
I already had a plan.
Originally prepared for another purpose.
Now, it would serve even better.
After seeing him off, I gave instructions.
The destination.
The North.
The recipient.
The NBA.
The International Black Alliance.
***
"The era of greedy capitalists is coming to an end. The horrific exploitation of workers driven by material greed will soon collapse. Our time is approaching."
"France ignores our demands. Are we machines? Even machines break if they run fourteen hours a day without rest. Are our demands truly unreasonable? If so, let the government debate us openly."
"Even in the British Empire, studies show that overworking people reduces efficiency. This is not just for our benefit. With proper rest, productivity increases."
"France must answer. Will you accept our demands, or reject them?"
The pressure continued to intensify.
The unity of the socialists, led by Friedrich Engels from the beginning of the International, proved stronger than expected.
Voices within the government that once advocated ignoring them disappeared entirely.
They walked a careful line.
They avoided direct incitement.
No strikes. No violence.
Only words.
Yet many politicians believed their influence alone was dangerous.
The difficulty was not suppression itself, but the consequences.
Why should France bear that cost?
After all, Engels was Prussian.
Mikhail Bakunin was Russian.
Even among leading figures, few were truly French.
This only fueled resentment.
Still, Prime Minister François Guizot adopted a different approach after returning from London.
He chose delay.
"We recognize the need to improve workers' rights. Our scholars are studying the matter scientifically. France, the nation of liberty and equality, will not ignore its people."
It was a tactic to buy time.
Time to extract concessions from capitalists.
Time to avoid immediate confrontation.
He did not know how the problem would be resolved.
But he trusted Killian.
And Killian delivered.
At the center of the Paris International, in a modest residence, Engels met a visitor.
A man few had ever seen.
"King James."
Leader of the NBA.
"An honor to meet you."
"The honor is mine."
James spoke calmly.
"Europe is changing rapidly. But have you considered the situation in America?"
"I know the South maintains slavery."
"It is worse. They are strengthening it."
"And the North?"
"Also unstable. Workers are suppressed under the pretext of reconstruction."
Engels listened carefully.
"The International is growing. But that will only invite suppression."
"That will only strengthen us."
"You underestimate your enemies."
James leaned forward.
"They will not rely on repression alone. They will divide you, manipulate you, destroy you from within."
Engels paused.
"…Then what do you suggest?"
James smiled slightly.
"A new approach."
Engels straightened.
"In France, you have planted the seed. But revolution requires more than destruction. It needs a stable foundation, and protection from external interference."
"…That is true."
"In Europe, intervention is inevitable. But elsewhere?"
Understanding began to form.
"You mean…"
"America."
Silence followed.
"Join me. We overthrow the South. Abolish slavery. Build a true socialist state."
"…Leave Europe?"
"Not abandon it. The seed here will grow. And success in America will inspire the world."
It was a compelling vision.
A revolution free from immediate European interference.
Expansion from South to North.
A chain reaction across the world.
Engels saw it clearly.
"This could work…"
Doubt remained.
"The South's population would resist."
"We will give them a reason to rise."
The plan was already prepared.
Engels' thoughts accelerated.
A socialist state in America.
Workers rising in Europe.
The collapse of the old order.
This was the opportunity he had been waiting for.
"…Tell me the details."
His decision was nearly made.
Marx's words echoed in his mind.
That revolution would fail.
Engels clenched his fist.
Then he would prove it wrong.
Not long after François Guizot returned to France,
James reported everything.
The plan had succeeded.
Engels would go to America.
I laughed softly.
"Excellent."
What had once been a contingency plan was now complete.
"Your Highness?"
"Nothing. I was just imagining something interesting."
Still, precautions were necessary.
If both North and South turned red, the consequences would be unpredictable.
I began writing a letter.
Carefully.
Every word deliberate.
Sealed with the royal mark.
Addressed to Abraham Lincoln.
"Consider this a favor owed."
The stage was set.
One side would embrace capitalism.
The other would fall into revolution.
A divided nation.
Two opposing systems.
I paused.
The resemblance was… familiar.
I smiled faintly.
History,
had a way of repeating itself.