Chapter 197: Munich Conference
Military expansion and confrontation were often accompanied by intense political propaganda.
As the Olympics approached, this grand gathering of humanity naturally became the best subject for every faction to exploit.
The first voices opposing the Berlin Olympics came from Paris.
La France published an open condemnation of the Olympic Organizing Committee, arguing that Germany, a country that had initiated two military conflicts and intervened in other nations' wars, had violated the spirit of the Games. The article suggested that Berlin's hosting rights should be revoked and transferred to either Paris or Rome.
However, the French public did not buy into it.
Although France had shifted significantly to the right, neither the far right nor the moderate right held much hatred toward Germans.
In the eyes of the far right, Jörg's expulsion of the Jews made him an executor of the Maurras school of thought. As the first major European politician to expel the Jews while openly embracing monarchy, he was even hailed by some extremists as a savior.
In the eyes of the moderate right, although Jörg's support for women entering the workplace ran contrary to traditional family values and their conservative stance, his views still seemed far more acceptable compared to the increasingly extreme behavior within France itself.
The poor response forced the French government to abandon the idea of issuing an official declaration. It merely offered silent support to civilian boycotts and avoided any formal statement.
Compared to France's hesitation, Italy was far more decisive.
Dictatorship turned Benito's words into orders.
He completely shifted the blame for Italy's defeat in the Spanish War onto Germany. Germany became the greatest obstacle to a Greater Rome, and many extremists even made Germans their primary target.
Poland naturally followed suit and demanded a boycott of the Berlin Olympics. It even pulled Hungary, which had been threatened by the theory of Austria Hungary's reorganization, onto the stage.
Three major European powers sent telegrams of condemnation at once.
The Olympic Organizing Committee in Switzerland was left in an extremely difficult position, torn over whether Berlin's hosting rights should be revoked.
But they were only an organizing committee.
They could not afford to offend anyone.
After allowing public opinion to ferment for a month, the committee finally made a glorious decision.
They passed the problem upward.
The question of whether Berlin's hosting rights should be revoked was handed to Britain, the great elder brother of the League of Nations and the country that had once vouched for Germany.
London.
There was a knock on the door of the Prime Minister's office.
"Mr. Prime Minister?"
Chamberlain, who had just finished a call with the Royal Family, put down the receiver and said, "Come in."
The secretary entered with a telegram.
"Mr. Prime Minister, a telegram from Switzerland. The Olympic Organizing Committee is asking whether we support revoking Germany's Olympic hosting rights."
"The Olympics?"
Chamberlain took the telegram and immediately sensed the smell of gunpowder in Europe.
If no one intervened, the Olympics might very well become the fuse that ignited war.
However, Chamberlain was more concerned about something else.
Intelligence personnel sent to Ukraine had reported that Germany had stopped providing military aid to the Ukrainian rebels.
Had external pressure eased Soviet German relations?
After a moment of thought, Chamberlain asked, "Pete, does MI6 have any latest intelligence on Soviet German relations?"
"No definite intelligence, Mr. Prime Minister. Only a suspected report."
The secretary lowered his voice slightly.
"Our intelligence personnel in Soviet Russia claim Stalin went to Austria to meet German President Jörg von Roman."
Hearing this speculation, Chamberlain felt a sudden surge of unease.
Could Churchill's prediction have been correct?
The possibility of a Soviet German alliance sent one idea after another through Chamberlain's mind.
He stared at his desk in deep thought for a long while. After some consideration, he again felt that such an alliance was unlikely, but he also lost any desire to support the revocation of Germany's Olympic hosting rights.
"We cannot push Germany too hard," Chamberlain murmured.
If Germany were pushed too far and completely sided with Soviet Russia, everything would be over.
Could he use this opportunity to reduce the smell of gunpowder in Europe, even if only on the surface, and thereby rob the radicals of their excuse to increase military spending?
At that thought, Chamberlain had already formed his own plan.
"Pete, help me draft a diplomatic note. Invite Germany, France, Poland, and Italy to London to discuss European peace again."
As soon as he finished speaking, the secretary seemed to remember something and quickly retrieved a diplomatic document from Germany.
"Forgive me, Mr. Prime Minister, I nearly forgot. Just this morning, the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent a telegram. They also invited us, along with France, Poland, and Italy, to Munich to discuss matters of peace."
"When?"
"One month from now," the secretary replied.
One month later.
The streets outside Munich City Hall had been cleared.
Because the official meeting time had not yet arrived, only two cars were parked in front of the building.
A black Imperial Eagle.
And a dark blue Rolls Royce.
Inside the reception room, Jörg leaned into the sunlight filtering through the screened window and poured himself a cup of black tea.
Chamberlain sat opposite him and spoke first.
"Mr. Roman, your actions in Spain have caused considerable dissatisfaction."
His tone was calm, yet direct.
"Is Germany's territory not already large enough? When you annexed Austria and Czech, I could pretend not to see it."
He looked at Jörg.
"But Spain is different."
Chamberlain continued, "Dividing half of Spain for Italy to administer would have been more conducive to international peace. If you had listened to our diplomats at the time, things would not have developed to this point."
Jörg stirred his tea and shook his head.
"Mr. Chamberlain, Spain is different."
He lifted the teacup.
"You must allow me to give an explanation to the German people at home. Before deploying the Army, I promised them that I would secure an ally with Mediterranean ports."
His voice remained mild.
"Breaking a promise can be fatal."
Hearing this, Chamberlain shook his head and smiled.
"Who in Germany could take your life, President Jörg? Only you take the lives of others."
Jörg poured black tea into Chamberlain's cup.
"That is not necessarily true, Mr. Chamberlain."
He smiled.
"My position in Germany is not as stable as you imagine."
Then his tone shifted.
"In fact, giving up half of Spain is not impossible."
Chamberlain's eyes sharpened slightly.
"As long as the League of Nations agrees to Austria's legitimate demands, I will fly to Spain tomorrow and speak with Mr. José, the Führer of the Spanish Forward Party. I will permit the Italian Army to station troops there."
Chamberlain immediately became interested.
"What demands?"
"Recovering the Mediterranean territories and ports of Austria that were invaded by Italy."
Jörg spoke slowly.
"As long as this can be achieved, I will listen to any demand you make."
Chamberlain's eyes trembled.
He answered almost without hesitation.
"Then let us forget it, Jörg."
His voice became firmer.
"Italy is our bottom line. If I privately agreed to such a demand, I am afraid I would be impeached tomorrow."
He took a breath, then leaned back slightly.
"The Spanish issue is already in the past. Let us discuss new matters."
Chamberlain added a few sugar cubes to his teacup.
"You invited me here for more than merely easing the European situation."
He stirred the tea slowly.
"Tell me your demands, Jörg."
His gaze settled on the man across from him.
"What conditions does Germany require to stop the operation of its war machine and restore Europe to its previous military pattern?"
.....
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