To be honest, it did not matter much to me who won the war in the East.
If Qing won, I would respond accordingly. If Japan and Joseon won, I would respond accordingly.
The real issue was not the outcome of the war itself, but what came after.
If Japan and Joseon won, the question would be how to deal with the military, which would inevitably rise in influence.
If Qing lost, internal conflict over responsibility would erupt, and the consequences of that would be far more important.
Preparing for what followed would yield greater benefits than focusing on the immediate result.
"Your Majesty, Qing has agreed to purchase weapons under the terms we proposed."
"The Prime Minister must be quite pleased. What did Governor Parker say?"
"He said only this. 'A remarkable country.'"
That was accurate.
From what I had heard, Empress Dowager Cixi's excesses surpassed even those of original history.
That alone explained much of why I had expected Qing to struggle.
"And what is the Prime Minister's plan?"
"As you advised, he intends to proceed with the annexation of Hainan and Taiwan. However, we have received intelligence that Japan is also eyeing Taiwan."
"Japan wants Taiwan. That works in our favor."
I had already considered how to take full control of Taiwan, even though we had only secured part of it.
If Japan created pressure, Qing would be forced into a choice.
Would they rather lose territory to Japan or sell it to the British Empire?
The answer was obvious.
Hainan, with its relatively small population, would also be easy to absorb.
"And Your Majesty, regarding this matter."
"Yes."
"How should we proceed?"
Everyone in the room fell silent and looked at me.
It was a simple problem.
To secure the Pacific, we needed full control of Northeast Asia's maritime routes.
At the same time, we had to ensure that even if Qing recovered in the future, it would be unable to project power into the sea.
To achieve that, France and Prussia needed to be distracted with appropriate incentives.
"The Philippines will serve as a suitable bargaining chip."
"Then Your Majesty will handle negotiations with Prussia?"
"Must I?"
"You proposed the plan."
I had outlined the strategy.
They expected me to execute it as well.
It was becoming a habit.
Domestic matters were one thing, but international affairs were increasingly being handed entirely to me.
"The Philippines should be left alone for now. It belongs to Spain. Even mentioning it prematurely would disrupt the current situation. We wait."
Timing was everything.
Spain was already under immense pressure.
I knew this well from the constant complaints of their ambassador.
The international stage of the nineteenth century did not operate on logic alone.
Europe mocked Asia for its chaos, but they were no different.
Part of me almost wanted to see their reaction when that truth became undeniable.
At the same time the British Empire was preparing its Pacific strategy, Spain was struggling with continuous political instability.
Prime Minister Narváez had taken office after a series of leadership changes and was attempting to stabilize the situation.
But no leader could easily solve Spain's problems.
Declining national strength, increasingly difficult colonial administration, financial deficits, and growing public discontent.
Even the monarchy failed to provide stability.
Queen Isabella II's reputation continued to deteriorate.
She shifted between factions, securing only her own authority.
Spain's attempt to reestablish influence in the Americas had ended in failure.
Had it succeeded, it might have laid the foundation for a national revival.
Instead, it had worsened the situation.
"This is all because of France and Prussia. They intervened and prevented us from securing any real gains."
"Without them, the war might not have occurred at all."
"Even so, we gained nothing."
Spain had invested heavily in weapons and military operations, only to end up in debt without securing any new territory.
Among all nations affected by the American conflict, Spain suffered the most.
"Fortunately, the British Empire has extended repayment deadlines. But we have sacrificed much in return. The real problem is that our debt remains unpaid. At this rate, we may have to sell our own territory."
"We must gather funds from every possible source."
Spain's situation was dire.
Political leaders rose and fell, each blaming their predecessors, only to face the same problems.
"Still, we have one hope. Payment from the South is due by the end of this year. If we collect it, we can reduce our debt to the British Empire."
"Will they actually pay?"
Spain had supplied weapons and ships to the South during the war, under agreements that included deferred payments.
Now even interest payments had ceased.
"If they fail to pay, we will take cotton and grain exports instead. That was part of the agreement."
Spain issued a final ultimatum.
But the South had its own problems.
The newly formed socialist state in the Americas was struggling.
"Funds are insufficient."
"Then we must diversify exports."
"We lack the resources to do so."
The system had changed, but the underlying economic conditions had not.
The South lacked sufficient industrialization.
Even so, they needed to demonstrate success.
They spread propaganda, praising productivity and socialist achievements, and increased food distribution.
Conditions had improved slightly compared to before.
But only slightly.
Plans to spread socialism across the continent had failed.
Canada's rise had overshadowed everything.
Still, Friedrich Engels believed time was on their side.
Eventually, socialism would spread to Europe.
A broader union would form.
Then came news from Spain.
"They demand repayment. Otherwise, they will seize our export rights."
"Seize them? Absurd."
After abolishing slavery, cotton production had decreased, but food production had increased.
Financially, things were stable only if debts were ignored.
Paying Spain would create an unbearable deficit.
"Secretary, repayment is due by the end of the year."
"Wait. That debt belongs to the old regime, not to our new socialist state."
"…That is true."
"Why should we inherit their burdens?"
No one objected.
"Comrade Secretary is correct."
Spain's claim was dismissed entirely.
If Spain wanted repayment, they could demand it from the dead.
***
Admiral Bernabé, the Spanish ambassador stationed in the South, had felt uneasy from the very beginning.
At present, Spain maintained only two embassies on the American continent, one in Canada and one in the South.
There should have been one in the North as well, but repeated attacks on the embassy had forced Spain to withdraw and maintain representation only in the South.
Until recently, public opinion in the South toward Spain had not been unfavorable.
Although Spain had been viewed negatively during the war with Mexico, it had provided substantial support during the war of independence.
However, people forget.
Even gratitude fades with time.
By the end of the war, as France and Prussia sent large-scale support, attention toward Spain diminished even further.
That alone might have been manageable, but Spain's continued demands for repayment, combined with repeated delays from the South, worsened the situation.
From Spain's perspective, it was simply exercising its rightful claims.
The South did not see it that way.
This attitude had existed since the days of Thomas Jefferson.
"We did borrow the money, but we are struggling as well. Must you take everything?"
"You make it sound as if we are the villains."
"There is such a thing as human decency."
They had pleaded for support when they were in need, promising repayment, yet now they reversed their position.
Bernabé found himself longing for the days when he had served as an admiral.
At least then, matters could be resolved with force.
Now, as an ambassador, he was required to maintain decorum.
"I understand your circumstances, but our situation is no better. We must repay our debts to the British Empire. Is it reasonable to ask us to bear the burden for you?"
"We are not refusing to pay. We simply ask for time."
Under the previous government, payments had been delayed but interest was still paid.
The real problem began after the new socialist government was established.
"We are restructuring the state. All matters are under review. Please be patient."
"But at least the interest must be paid."
"Even basic administration is not yet functioning properly. We ask for your understanding."
At first, Bernabé could accept this.
The country had been overturned.
But as time passed, it became clear that the South had no intention of paying.
Meanwhile, pressure from Spain intensified.
The closer the repayment deadline to the British Empire approached, the harsher Spain's demands became.
The final ultimatum, demanding control over food and cotton exports, was not unreasonable.
It had been written into the original agreement.
Yet—
"We will not allow the taxes produced by the blood and sweat of our people to fund imperialist weapons."
The statement came directly from Friedrich Engels, leader of the Southern council.
Bernabé felt his mind go blank.
"Secretary Engels, what do you mean? Are you declaring the agreement void?"
"You misunderstand. It is not that we are voiding it. It was void from the beginning."
"That is the same thing."
"Not at all. Voiding a valid agreement would be our fault. Recognizing an agreement that was never valid is not."
This was not an offhand remark.
It was an official position.
To overturn an international agreement so openly was effectively a declaration of isolation.
Yet Engels showed no hesitation.
"Do you understand the consequences of this? Do you intend to cut ties with other nations?"
"We have honored all agreements made since the founding of our state."
"…What?"
"Consider this. If a tenant disappears without paying rent and a new tenant moves in, should the new tenant be responsible for the old debt?"
"That analogy is flawed. You are using the infrastructure of the previous state."
Such arguments had appeared before in history.
Nations that refused inherited debt had paid the price.
"The British Empire, France, Prussia. None will accept this. With the international organization soon to be established, you risk exclusion."
"The great powers already keep their distance from us. That organization is meant to isolate us. If we are to be excluded regardless, why should we fear it?"
Bernabé realized that this was not reckless.
It was calculated.
Europe could not fully sever ties with the South.
Food imports were essential.
Even if relations worsened, trade would continue.
Spain's complaints would change nothing.
"Let us be clear. We overthrew the previous state and created a new one. Why should we inherit its debts? That would contradict the very purpose of our revolution."
There was no room for compromise.
"Once this becomes public, the consequences will be severe."
"No one will care."
Engels was certain.
Europe's attention was fixed on Asia.
A dispute between Spain and the South was insignificant by comparison.
Spain's expectations of international support were misplaced.
News spread quickly.
Spain denounced the South, hoping for unified condemnation.
Instead, Europe mocked both sides.
"Spain has been betrayed by communists."
"They should have collected the debt earlier."
Criticism of the South was common, but no nation acted on Spain's behalf.
Some even used the situation to reinforce anti-socialist sentiment at home.
Others simply mocked Spain.
There were voices calling for intervention.
But Europe's focus remained on Qing.
No one wished to divert resources to a conflict that offered little gain.
Even within the British Empire, opinion favored observation.
If Spain failed to repay its debts, that could be used for leverage later.
Spain, however, refused to back down.
Then an unexpected development changed everything.
A statement was issued.
The United States supported the South's position.
The nation that despised socialism most had sided with it.
The situation descended into chaos.
***
Just before Friedrich Engels made his declaration against Spain, the division of the United States had already become a living case study for scholars around the world.
Strictly speaking, it was not the first time a nation had been divided through war.
However, it was the first time a divided nation had developed into completely different systems.
One side embraced capitalism, the other communism.
This unprecedented confrontation captivated economists, historians, and political theorists alike.
Both sides had suffered immense damage during the war, but their paths to recovery diverged.
The South established a new state through revolution, rejecting the old order entirely.
The North, in contrast, defined the South as an absolute evil and strengthened internal unity.
While the outcome of this rivalry remained uncertain, most agreed that the North held greater national strength and was unlikely to fall behind.
As expected, the North quickly recovered through its superior industrial base and emerged stronger than before the war.
Despite losing the South, it retained its advantages in food production and industrial capacity.
At the same time, labor conditions were improved to counter the influence of communism, reducing social unrest.
Having prepared in advance to suppress communist movements, the government maintained political stability.
The authority of the Federal Bureau of Investigation increased, and President Abraham Lincoln's approval rose accordingly.
Everything appeared stable.
Yet Lincoln did not relax.
He believed that this period was critical to solidify the foundation for eventual reunification.
It was at this moment that the conflict between Spain and the South erupted.
"Spain must be quite shocked."
"They deserve it."
"They meddled in every conflict out of greed. It was only a matter of time."
Even those who despised communism found satisfaction in Spain's predicament.
Among all foreign nations, Spain was the most disliked in the North.
Its actions during the war had left deep resentment.
Without Spain's involvement, the South might not have endured as long, and European intervention might never have occurred.
As this view spread, Spain became the most hated foreign nation among Americans.
"Technically, Spain helped the South gain independence, yet now they are being betrayed."
"That is the nature of communists."
"Those leaders are not even native to the South."
From a neutral perspective, the South had repaid assistance with betrayal.
Yet many in the North approved.
The question now was how the United States should respond.
"Mr. President, we could support Spain and pressure the South. It might eliminate the communist threat entirely."
"Would the public accept supporting Spain?"
"…No."
"Then that option is impossible. We either ignore the situation or support the South."
"Support the communists?"
The reaction was immediate.
Even Vice President Andrew Johnson opposed the idea.
Suppressing communism had been the government's defining policy.
"Calm yourselves. We are not allying with them. We are making Spain pay for its actions."
The reasoning was simple.
Public opinion would support any action against Spain.
"Citizens would not object to shaking hands with communists if it meant defeating Spain."
The logic was undeniable.
Supporting the South, even indirectly, would bring political advantage.
"Spain has continued to interfere in the Americas. If we allow this, they will remain a threat."
"Then we should remove them entirely."
The decision became clear.
The United States would act.
Not merely to embarrass Spain, but to drive it out of the Americas.
"Begin contact with the South."
"And inform the embassy in London. Secretary William Seward should go personally."
The reasoning was straightforward.
European intervention had to be prevented.
This must remain a conflict between Spain and the Americas.
While Joseon and Japan fought Qing for dominance in Asia, I met with William Seward, Secretary of State of the United States.
He had come personally.
That alone showed their seriousness.
Too much hostility invites consequences.
Spain had made many enemies.
Now it would pay the price.
"I appreciate your journey. Had I been in Canada, it would have been easier, but the timing was unfortunate."
"It is no trouble. Thank you for receiving me."
"You have brought a matter that cannot be ignored."
As expected, Seward presented his arguments at length.
I listened carefully.
"Indeed. The South's position has legal merit. Not entirely correct, but not without basis."
"Our government supports that view."
"Then you seek our agreement?"
"No. We ask only that the British Empire focus on Asia and refrain from intervening in the Americas."
That was exactly what I wanted.
But I did not agree immediately.
"As King of Canada, I must consider the stability of the region. Conflict in the Americas will affect Canada."
"…Of course."
"If war breaks out, we must reassure the public."
Seward understood.
He waited.
I looked at the map and spoke.
"To manage Asia, we must offer something to France and Prussia. But we cannot give away our own colonies."
I let my gaze rest on a specific point.
Seward followed it.
"Your Majesty, we seek Cuba."
As expected.
Cuba would allow the United States to pressure the South effectively.
"Other matters are negotiable."
"Our concern is Spain's debt. If they exhaust their resources, they may fail to repay us."
"Then compensation must come in land."
I pointed again.
"The Philippines."
It was not a formal agreement.
Only a shared understanding.
We confirmed our interests and parted.
If desired strongly enough, such possibilities often became reality.
The final piece of the Pacific strategy had fallen into place.
***
The agreement with the North proceeded without difficulty.
The American ambassador must have conveyed my words to Secretary William Seward exactly as intended, because they approached the negotiations with perfect understanding.
The British Empire and its allies would remain neutral.
With that assurance secured, Seward returned across the Atlantic in high spirits, while Prime Minister Charles Wellesley came to see me, holding the agreement with an expression of disbelief.
"I have handled it as you instructed, Your Majesty."
"As expected of Prime Minister Wellesley. You have once again guided the United States exactly where you wanted."
"What are you planning this time?"
"I am simply offering honest praise for your accomplishment."
"Praise? This was your stage from the beginning. The American ambassador practically explained what they should do without even being asked."
Wellesley reached for a cigarette out of habit, then stopped himself and let out a small sigh.
"May I at least smoke?"
"You may step outside. I will wait."
"I would not dare. Then I shall settle for coffee. As written here, we have agreed that the Empire will remain neutral, as our attention must remain on Asia."
On the surface, the agreement appeared neutral, but in reality, it favored the North.
In return, the Empire secured concessions regarding disputes over natural resources in the Rocky Mountains.
"This should be sufficient. Other nations will find it reasonable."
The agreement did not clearly define the scope of neutrality.
Whether it applied to diplomatic disputes, limited conflicts, or full war was left ambiguous.
Such ambiguity was intentional.
Naturally, the Philippines were not mentioned at all.
"Would it not be better to formalize this agreement?"
"There is no need. The ambassador and the secretary both made their commitments before us."
"Unwritten promises need not be kept."
"That applies only when power is equal. That is not the case here."
Wellesley nodded.
In truth, verbal agreements held little value in international diplomacy.
Yet in this case, the situation was different.
The United States needed the Empire's neutrality.
The Empire did not need anything from them.
"If the North values this agreement, they will honor it. And if they break it, what can they do?"
The United States lacked direct access to the Pacific.
Even more, the completion of the Panama Canal would further increase its dependence on the British Empire.
Breaking the agreement would be self-destructive.
"Still, it might have been better to secure it formally."
"Prime Minister, any secret agreement eventually becomes public. It is better not to leave a record at all."
If exposed, such an agreement would bring severe criticism.
Better to leave nothing behind.
"I am protecting your reputation."
"I see. How considerate."
He did not sound convinced.
"Your Majesty cares too much about how history will judge you."
So he had noticed.
The North's unexpected support for the South caused confusion.
Relief, but also suspicion.
The South knew well how much the North despised it.
If the North was offering support, it must have its own objectives.
When Abraham Lincoln requested talks, Friedrich Engels immediately sent a representative.
"Greetings. I am Mikhail Bakunin, member of the Supreme Council."
Lincoln recognized the significance.
Bakunin was not merely a representative, but a key figure.
Though once associated with anarchism, he now cooperated closely with Engels.
Lincoln felt conflicted.
He despised communism, yet his greatest hatred was reserved for those responsible for the Civil War.
Many of those figures had already been eliminated by the new regime.
Compared to Spain, even communists seemed preferable.
"Mr. Bakunin, this situation must be difficult for you. Spain's demands are unreasonable."
"We appreciate your understanding."
"They will not stop. Spain has always sought influence in the Americas."
"We agree."
"Despite our ideological differences, we cannot allow further European interference."
Neither side mentioned their shared European origins.
It was irrelevant.
"We should speak plainly. What are your intentions?"
"For now, we will ignore Spain's demands and observe."
"That is insufficient."
Bakunin hesitated.
"This alliance exists only because of Spain. It will not last. Should we waste this opportunity?"
"…What do you propose?"
"If this ends with debt alone, only the South benefits. Spain remains a threat."
He continued.
"Cuba and Puerto Rico remain under Spanish control. Spain still interferes in Mexico. Even if they are weak now, that may not always be the case."
Bakunin nodded slowly.
The argument was persuasive.
"For both our nations, Spain must be removed from the Americas."
"…You are suggesting war."
Lincoln did not hesitate.
"Yes."
He spoke calmly, but firmly.
"There must be no great power in North America other than us and Canada. Our conflict can wait."
Bakunin fell silent.
The logic was undeniable.
North and South could never truly reconcile.
But against a common enemy, cooperation was possible.
"An alliance between North and South."
"This opportunity will not come again."
Bakunin understood.
Their ideologies were incompatible.
But even enemies could unite against a greater threat.
"This alliance is temporary."
"Of course."
They shook hands.
An alliance that would never exist again had been formed.
***
Down with Spain.
The North and South, united under a common objective, agreed that they needed to act before Spain could prepare.
Such matters required speed.
They had to move before the war in Asia ended.
Even so, they could not simply rush into conflict without establishing a basic framework.
After reviewing the proposal brought by Mikhail Bakunin, Friedrich Engels concluded that he needed to take part personally.
The capitals of the two states, Richmond and Washington, D.C., were separated by barely one hundred miles, a negligible distance by the standards of the American continent.
Within days, the first historic meeting between President Abraham Lincoln and General Secretary Friedrich Engels took place.
Given the significance of the occasion, one might have expected a cordial atmosphere.
That was not the case.
"Those terms are too favorable to your side."
"Not at all. Your nation also stands to gain significantly."
Their relationship had not improved simply because they shared a common enemy.
Communism and capitalism could not coexist.
Karl Marx had argued that capitalism would evolve in a way that would suppress incomplete communism, but Engels did not believe that.
Even if it were true, it only reinforced the need to remain separate.
He had accepted cooperation out of necessity, but strengthening the North too much would ultimately threaten his own position.
"What our Union demands is simple. Once Spain is expelled, the results must be divided equally."
"I am afraid that will not be possible."
Engels frowned.
"Does the United States intend to take everything?"
"You misunderstand. I am saying that we cannot divide everything between ourselves."
"…What do you mean?"
"I cannot explain every detail, but consider this. Would the European powers allow us to take everything Spain possesses?"
Engels understood immediately.
Driving Spain out of the Americas was one matter.
Seizing its Asian colonies was another.
That would provoke Europe.
"I see. Asia must remain untouched."
"Exactly. Those territories will serve to appease Europe."
Engels sensed there was more left unsaid, but accepted the point.
The key was that the North would not claim those territories.
"Then we divide what remains in the Americas."
Lincoln spoke without hesitation.
"The United States will take Cuba. The rest may go to your side."
"That sounds generous, but Spain's colonies here consist only of Cuba and Puerto Rico."
Cuba alone was vastly larger and far more significant.
But more important than size was its position.
Control of Cuba would allow the North to threaten the South from both land and sea.
It also controlled access to the Gulf of Mexico and future routes through the Panama Canal.
Engels could not accept that.
"That condition is unacceptable."
"The United States will bear the greater burden of the war. It is only natural that compensation reflects that."
"The proportion is excessive."
Lincoln smiled faintly.
Engels realized his mistake.
Spain's influence extended beyond colonies.
Lincoln gestured toward Mexico.
"Spain holds numerous rights there. Without a base in the Americas, those rights become meaningless. It would be appropriate for your side to take them."
Engels hesitated.
The argument was sound.
Mexico bordered the South, making it more practical for them to control.
"The Gulf of California is already under your influence. Taking those rights would be balanced."
Silence followed.
Lincoln had prepared thoroughly.
Engels understood that pressing further would only weaken his position.
"Very well. We accept your proposal, with one condition."
"Go on."
"Our naval strength is limited. If war begins, the Caribbean must be secured first. We cannot take the initiative. Since you claim the greater reward, you should lead the attack."
Originally, the South had planned to declare war first, with the North joining later.
Engels shifted that burden.
Lincoln considered it, then nodded.
Cuba was worth the cost.
The meeting ended with Lincoln holding the advantage, but both men understood that this conflict would not end here.
Tensions between the South and Spain continued to escalate.
Spain demanded European condemnation of the South, but no nation responded.
The South, backed by the North, ignored Spain entirely.
As the situation worsened, observers expected war at any moment.
Then, unexpectedly, the North moved first.
Under the pretext of protecting its citizens, it sent transport ships to Cuba.
One of those ships exploded and sank in Havana harbor.
Spain launched an investigation, but before results could be announced, the North declared that the ship had been destroyed by a naval mine.
No direct accusation was made.
It was unnecessary.
Public opinion erupted immediately.
Newspapers flooded the country with accusations.
Spain was blamed.
Calls for war spread rapidly.
Whether the claim was true did not matter.
The public had already decided.
Protests filled the streets.
"War!"
The government could no longer resist.
The United States framed its intervention as support for Cuban independence.
In truth, the independence movement had not yet fully emerged.
But with encouragement, it ignited instantly.
Protests turned into rebellion.
The situation escalated beyond control.
"So this is how they start a war."
It resembled history.
The difference was intent.
This time, it was clearly deliberate.
They spoke of independence while preparing to seize control.
Spain, once a great power, could do nothing but protest.
It had neither the strength nor the unity to respond effectively.
It had overreached for too long.
Now it would pay the price.
A few days later, news arrived.
"Your Majesty, the ambassadors of France and Prussia have arrived."
"Prepare coffee. I will meet them together."
The situation was accelerating.
Even the allies had begun to move.
Spain's end was approaching.